News, Reports, and Commentary


News, Reports, and Commentary from Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research.

Women and the 2016 Elections: Findings from a National Survey of Voters

With the fall political campaigns now in full swing, a recent poll of voters commissioned by American Women* indicates that critical voting blocs of women in the electorate—including millennial women, women of color, and unmarried women—will be a force in this year’s election.  These women have a clear point of view when it comes to their priorities and the issues that matter to them when they head to the ballot box, and candidates can benefit from paying attention to them as they communicate with voters this fall.

While the electorate as a whole sees economic concerns as the most important issue, these women express deeper concerns about economic stresses in their daily life; and as a result, they are more likely to emphasize issues and support policies that address their concerns.  And while these women also have concerns about security issues, their fears tend to focus more locally on gun violence and racial profiling issues than on the issues of terrorism and threats from immigrants and refugees.

The agenda that resonates with these crucial blocs of women voters is well-defined:  they want their elected leaders and candidates to focus on strengthening their economic security, including equal pay for women, job training, college affordability, and paid sick and family leave. They also want leaders who will protect their access to reproductive health care; and they want leaders who will take action to address the gun violence epidemic.

The following memo is based on a national online survey of 1,000 registered voters, including an oversample of 200 women who identify as independent in partisan beliefs and voting behavior, weighted to be representative of registered voters nationally.  The survey was conducted from August 19-25, 2016.

 

Women view economic concerns as more important than security in this election

Voters view the economy as the more important issue than national security in the November elections by a 61-38 percent margin.  Both men (63 - 37 percent economy/national security) and women (60 - 39 percent economy/national security) believe that economic issues outweigh security by similar margins.  Additionally, growing blocs of influential women voters—including millennial women, women of color, and unmarried women—express a stronger support for economics as the dominant issue in the elections.  The intensity of the preference for a focus on the economy is particularly strong among women of color—73% of whom believe that the economy is the most important issue this election year.  

Figure 1: Economy versus National Security concerns, by subgroup

Women view the economy as the biggest problem facing both the country and their own families. However, for key groups of women, their personal economic situation and concerns outpace other worries by larger margins.

·         In an open-ended question about the biggest issue facing their country, 49 percent of voters volunteer an economic-related response, compared to 29 percent who cite a security-related response.  There is not a strong difference among women, as 51 percent of women volunteer an economic-related response, compared to 31 percent who cite a security-related response.

·         When asked a similar open-ended question about the biggest problem facing their own daily lives, however, women—particularly women of color and millennial women—put economic concerns far and above as their top concern.  Overall, 44 percent of voters cite worries about personal finances, jobs, costs, and the economy as their biggest personal concern.  Among millennial women this number rises to 48 percent, and among women of color, more than half (52 percent) say that economic issues are their biggest personal concern.

Given that women volunteer economic issues as their top problem, it is not surprising that they are more likely to see economic issues as top priorities for Congress and government to address in the next two years. Overall, voters prioritize protecting retirement benefits and addressing the federal deficit as biggest priorities, followed by protecting threats from terrorism and Zika and tackling gun violence.  

However, there are different trends among the emerging blocs of women voters. 

·         Millennial women focus far less on retirement, terrorism, and the deficit, and instead want more focus on helping parents with paid family leave policies, making college more affordable, and reducing gun violence. 

·         Gun violence is also a key agenda item for women of color; it is, in fact, the top issue they want government to address, along with making education more affordable and increasing the minimum wage. 

·         Unmarried women want Congress and the next government to focus on making education more affordable and ensuring equal pay for women.

Figure 2: Top 4 most important things for Congress or the government to focus on in the next two years, by subgroup

 

Top security concerns for women: gun violence, terrorism, and racial profiling

While women view the economy as most important in this election, this does not mean that they are not also worried about security.  Their fears, however, are not solely centered on terrorism. They also center on threats like gun violence, mass shootings and racial profiling.  Fears about illegal immigration and refugees fall into the bottom tier of security concerns for voters across the board, including various cohorts of women voters.  Women of color express far more serious concerns about gun violence and profiling mistreatment than any other security threats; millennial women and unmarried women are also more likely to be “very concerned” about these issues, though they also worry about terrorist attacks on American soil.

Figure 3: Level of concern about issues by subgroup

These target blocs of women provide clear direction on who they trust and how they want to see these security issues handled by their leaders:

·         Who do you trust to keep us safe? Millennial women trust Democrats over Republicans to keep us safe at home and abroad in the fight against terrorism, and unmarried women trust Democrats more by 8 points.  Women of color are more likely to trust Democrats by 59 points.

·         This widens when it comes to the debate at the top of this year’s ballot.  While voters overall trust Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump (54-45) to keep us safe at home and abroad in the fight against terrorism by 10 points, the margin in favor of Clinton is 18 points with women voters (58-40), 36 with millennial women (68-32) and 37 points among unmarried women (68-31).

·         Women of color, millennial women, and unmarried women all overwhelmingly support taking action to strengthen gun laws in the county.  Eighty-eight percent of women of color support stronger gun laws over keeping the laws as they are, including two-thirds who prefer stronger laws much more than keeping them the same.  Support for stronger gun laws also comes from 77 percent of millennial women and 69 percent of unmarried women.

 

A clear agenda for making voting decisions

For these emerging target blocs of women, there is a clear separation on issues when it comes to making voting decisions.  The women rank addressing gun violence, ensuring equal pay for women, and providing paid sick leave for workers as most important in their voting decisions, when compared against other issues like immigration and national security.  The top three issues are consistent among these blocs of women, with much larger gaps between the top tier and second tier issues than voters overall.

Figure 4: Most important issue when it comes to making decisions about voting, by subgroup

Women strongly support policies addressing gun violence, women’s reproductive health, and economic well-being

Falling closely in line with the issues driving voting decisions, millennial women, women of color, and unmarried women show strong support for a package of policies that address their economic concerns, as well as tackle important issues on guns and reproductive health care. First, these women are more likely to strongly support policies that speak to strengthening the economic standing for women and families, including equal pay for women, job training, paid family leave, affordable college, childcare, and long term care:

·         Ensure that women get equal pay for equal work in order to make women and families economically secure, protect workers from retaliation, hold employers accountable, and provide salary negotiation training for women and girls.

o   This policy resonates strongly among unmarried women.

·         Provide more skills training and apprenticeship opportunities for good, available jobs that pay.

·         Establish paid family and medical leave for workers who have new babies, are caring for aging parents, or have ill family members.

·         Lower student loan interest rates and rising college tuition costs.

·         Expand access to high-quality, affordable childcare for working families by providing child care tax credits to working parents and providing universal pre-K.

·         Invest in home care workers, who are caring for seniors and people with disabilities in their homes so they can live with dignity and independence.

Tied to this economic agenda, women in these key demographics also strongly support protecting access to reproductive health care and birth control:

·         Stop insurance companies from charging women more for the same health care coverage as men, and fight efforts to end free coverage for mammograms and birth control.

·         Ensure access to reproductive health care, including birth control.

And, they demand action on guns, reacting favorably to any proposal that bucks the status quo:

·         Strengthen gun laws by requiring mandatory background checks and preventing those on the terrorist watch list from buying guns, as well as passing a ban on assault weapons.

These women react negatively to just two policies offered: sending a coalition of U.S. and allied troops to Syria to combat ISIS and blocking all immigration from countries affected by terrorism.  While voters overall only slightly support these proposals, the key blocs of women oppose both proposals.

Figure 5: Policies favored by subgroup

 

*Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research conducted a national online survey of 800 registered voters, with an oversample of 200 self-identified independent women voters for a total sample size of 1,000. The survey was conducted from August 19-25, 2016.

 

Independent Women and the 2016 Elections: Findings from a National Survey of Voters

A recent poll of voters commissioned by American Womenshows that politically independent women—viewed as key “swing” voters in the 2016 electorate—express strong preferences for policies and candidates that promote an economic agenda that supports women and families. 

Economic concerns are at the forefront for independent women, outpacing security concerns on both personal and national levels. These women say economic security is a primary factor in their voting decisions, while priorities like building a wall along the Mexican border and banning Muslims from entering the country are among the three least important issues. Independent women strongly favor policies that will grow their economic security, including equal pay for women, access to reproductive health, job training, college affordability, and paid sick and family leave.

This is not to say that these women do not express concerns about security; they worry about gun violence and terrorism as much as other voters in the electorate. However, they worry just as much about security issues in their community as larger national security concerns, and they express clear preferences for progressive approaches on these issues.   

The following memo is based on a national online survey of 800 registered voters, with an oversample of 200 self-identified independent women voters and independent women voters who have voted for both Republicans and Democratic candidates in the past, for a total sample size of 1,000 registered voters and 255 independent women, weighted to be representative of registered voters nationally.  The survey was conducted from August 19-25, 2016.

 

Independent women view the economy as their central concern

 The state of the economy is driving the concerns and voting decisions of independent women in this election year. Sixty-four percent of independent women say that the economy is the most important issue in this election.

 

Figure 1: Economy versus National Security concerns, by Independent Women

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When asked to use their own words, independent women cite economic concerns as the biggest problem facing both the country and their own families personally, well above national security and safety in both instances. When it comes to the top problems facing the country, independent women, more than half (51 percent) provide a response related to the economy, ranging from jobs and the cost of living to health care and education costs, to income inequality and taxes. Just one quarter of these women offer responses related to security.  In their own daily life, more than 6 out of 10 (63 percent) describe worries over finances, jobs, retirement, and costs of healthcare, education, and childcare as a top problem.

The priorities of independent women in this election year reflect these concerns.  Like the overall electorate, independent women see the next Congress’ priorities like protecting retirement benefits and addressing the federal deficit as its biggest priorities, followed afterward by protecting threats from terrorism and Zika.  These independent women are more likely than voters overall to see economic issues like college affordability and equal pay as the next Congress’ biggest priorities.

 

Figure 2: Top 4 most important things for Congress or the government to focus on in the next two years, by Total Registered Voters and Independent Women

When asked to rank specific issues relative to their importance in making a voting decision, independent women again place economic issues at the top.  Sixty percent rank making women and families more economically secure among their top three priorities, while 49 percent place supporting parents via paid sick and family leave, and affordable childcare in the top three.  Independent women see addressing gun violence and public health issues as important as well, though more extreme proposals like building a wall on the Mexican border and banning Muslims from entering the country fall to the bottom tier of independent women’s voting issues.

 

Figure 3: Most important issue when it comes to making decisions about voting, by Independent Women

Independent women strongly support an economic agenda that helps women and families

Given the financial concerns facing independent women and the issues they are considering in making their voting choices, it is not surprising that these women strongly favor policies that will address these economic concerns.  These include equal pay for women and access to reproductive health, job training, college affordability, paid sick and paid family leave, and affordable long-term care.  While these policies are also popular among the overall electorate, independent women express a greater intensity of support for this agenda.

 

Figure 4: Policies favored by Independent Women and Total Registered Voters

Security concerns among independent women center on issues like gun violence and profiling, with a preference for progressive solutions

While economic concerns dominate the landscape for independent women, these women do also express real concerns about threats at both local and national levels.  They report the most concerns about gun violence and mass shootings (60 percent very concerned), followed by terrorist attacks from groups like ISIS (54 percent) and racial profiling and mistreatment of people of color by law enforcement (42 percent very concerned).

 

Figure 5: Level of concern about issues by Independent Women

These independent women express strong preferences for aggressive action to address their concerns over gun violence.  Sixty-one percent want to see gun laws made stronger compared to just 39 percent who want to keep gun laws as they are. When independent women are asked about including mandatory background checks and preventing people on the terror watch list from buying guns, an overwhelming 81 percent of independent women prefer that over keeping gun laws as they currently are (17 percent).

A telling trend emerges on the fight against terrorism. Millennial women trust Democrats over Republicans to keep us safe at home and abroad in the fight against terrorism, and unmarried women trust Democrats more by 8 points.  Women of color are more likely to trust Democrats by 59 points.  At the top of the ticket, independent women clearly push back on the foreign policy proposals of Donald Trump. When asked who they trust more to keep us safe at home and abroad, independent women overwhelming choose Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, with 63 to 33 percent.

 

*Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research conducted a national online survey of 800 registered voters, with an oversample of 200 self-identified independent women voters for a total sample size of 1,000. The survey was conducted from August 19-25, 2016.

 

Populism & Culture - Lessons from Brexit

Populism & Culture - Lessons from Brexit

The UK referendum is another sign that economics is no longer the dominant issue in politics. This presentation given at the Global Progress conference in Montreal sets out key lessons from the EU referendum for politicians and campaigners seeking to answer public concern about migration and identity around the world. 

Click here to download the presentation. 

For more information contact info@gqrr.com or tweet James Morris (@jamesdmorris). 

 

 

The 21 things you need to know to understand why Britain voted Leave

The 21 things you need to know to understand why Britain voted Leave

As the polls closed for the UK’s EU referendum, Greenberg Quinlan Rosner put a poll into the field to understand why voters made the choices they did. Conducted on behalf of the Trades Union Congress (TUC), it shows a nuanced picture. Britain is not divided into two tribes, immigration was central but so was sovereignty. The Remain campaign won the economic debate but it didn’t count for much with Leave voters.

Click here for the 21 things you need to know to understand the result.
The full questionnaire can be found here and data tables here.  

For more information contact info@gqrr.com or tweet James Morris (@jamesdmorris)

To Leaders Wanting To Hold A Referendum: Think Twice

To Leaders Wanting To Hold A Referendum: Think Twice

The economic and social implications of Britain’s vote to leave the European Union are still playing out, but the political fallout has already begun.

‘Had enough of experts': Why Britain is leaving the EU and what it means for your campaign

‘Had enough of experts': Why Britain is leaving the EU and what it means for your campaign

When Vote Leave campaigner Michael Gove said that ‘people in this country have had enough of experts’ he was expressing the argument of populists everywhere. Today, as Britain and the world tries to interpret this unexpected victory, it is clear that nativist instincts and pent-up anti-elitist resentment can secure victory even in the face of a nearly unified political, business, labour and academic elite. This is a massive vote of no confidence in the establishment.

We wanted to share five key insights into what happened in the UK that may be applicable to campaigns around the world.

1)      Identity politics trumped economic self-interest. In the 1990s, ‘It’s the Economy, Stupid’ was the guiding principle for centre left politicians trying to retake power. Over the last decade, identity has become an increasingly powerful driver of the vote, reaching another crescendo in the UK on Thursday. While the Remain campaign had a monomaniacal focus on the economic risks of Brexit, the Leave campaign built on a sense of grievance about change in the country. Their slogan was ‘take control’, but it could easily have been ‘Let’s take our country back’.

This emotionally resonant message was felt particularly powerfully in post-industrial, working class communities in the Midlands and Northern England; and had particular purchase with older voters. Working with trade unionists who were concerned about the campaign, we conducted a poll two months prior to polling day which showed the clear class and age pattern in voting - polls conducted on polling day show a similar picture:

A key lesson here is the danger of allowing such anger to grow without an adequate response. The Labour party began to lose touch with its working class base soon after 1997, ignored a dramatic fall off of its base voters in 2001, and has kept moving away from them  ever since. The British electoral system allowed UKIP to score 13% of the vote but only 1 of 650 MPs last year. The modernizing, pro-trade centre colluded with the metropolitan liberal left to keep concerns about immigration away from seriously influencing policy. This is the result of that history at least as much as it is a result of campaign decisions over the last few weeks.

2)      The Leave campaign got the better of the message battle.  At the general election of 2015, the Conservative party achieved victory by refusing to talk about immigration. They knew it was a major issue, but judged – correctly – that talking about it would simply focus attention on the topic and drive up the vote of the populist party to their right: UKIP. With a compliant media, they were able to shut the issue down and keep the focus on the economy and leadership.  

They tried to pursue the same strategy in this referendum with disastrous consequences.

This time, the media were unwilling to keep immigration out of the story and we spent days focused on that issue – an issue which Leave led on by 40% or more.

The size of that Leave lead was a result of a second faulty media judgment. The Remain campaign didn’t just try and ignore immigration at the end of the campaign; they ignored it throughout. In the early months of the campaign, when they should have been undermining the idea that leaving the EU would solve immigration, they were patting themselves on the back for keeping the focus on the economy. As a result, that deficit on immigration did not shift at any point.

In contrast, the Leave campaign had a radically different strategy. They spent the first nine months of the campaign trying to close down their deficit on the economy; only turning to their strong suit of immigration at the close. They spent time dreaming up plans for trade deals with India, China and America – not because they thought they would win the economic argument, but because they knew they couldn’t afford to be too far behind on it.

The result of these strategies was that Leave led Remain on immigration by 40 points, but trailed on the economy by just 5.

The Remain campaign let their judgment of the media dynamic determine their message strategy. They got that judgment wrong, and their message wrong.

It is worth noting that this victory for Leave came in the face of a strong, data-driven ground campaign for Remain. Working with the same consultants who the Tories used at the General Election in 2015, they modeled the electorate and used it to guide online ads and field activity. Whether it delivered an uplift in their vote or not is unclear, but it certainly was blown out of the water by their failure on message.

3)      Cameron's short-term political calculations got us into this mess. It is quite peculiar for a Prime Minister to call a referendum to propose something he opposes. There was no great public clamour for a referendum at the time; the proportion of Brits saying Europe was one of their top issues was around 6 percent. Some of Ed Miliband’s strongest debate moments came when he opposed an EU referendum.

And yet here we are.

David Cameron called the referendum almost entirely to pacify rebels inside his party. The Conservative party has had a strong and negative focus on Europe for 30 years. The issue was being used as a tool of division inside the party. To buy quiet, David Cameron felt he had to offer the referendum. Perhaps he was right that his position genuinely was at risk, but as a sitting Prime Minister up against a weak Labour party it is hard to believe he really had to make that call.

4)      Big issues to come. The referendum result unleashes a number of big issues for Britain and Europe. The EU does have provision for a country to exit, but any trade deal requires the assent of every one of the EU’s remaining 27 members. This puts the UK in a very weak negotiating position, particularly given the EU’s desire to disincentivise future exits.

Any deal which allows access to the free market is likely to have provisions for free movement of labour, acceptance of EU regulatory standards and mandatory contributions to the EU budget – precisely the things the Leave campaign wanted to be rid of.

At the same time, some key legislation in the UK – including the Good Friday Agreement which is the foundation of peace in Northern Ireland – have provisions which would be broken by Brexit. Renegotiating such texts may open Pandora’s Box.

On the other hand, the UK’s current account deficit of 7% makes it one of the main sources of demand in the weakened EU.

A new Prime Minister, due to be in place by October, will have to navigate all this with Nigel Farage and UKIP standing at the side, criticizing them for failing to deliver on the spirit of Brexit. They may also face a new Labour leader after a motion of no confidence in Jeremy Corbyn was presented today for debate next Tuesday.

5)      Online polls did okay, telephone polls failed. It was at best a mixed night for British pollsters. Only three of nine polling companies got the overall result right;  two of these getting the margin within a couple of points.

The most striking observation is that the online polls were systematically more accurate than telephone polls. This wasn’t just a quirk of the final polls – the online polls consistently showed a much tighter race than telephone.

For the last two general elections, there has been no measurable difference in the accuracy of online versus phone polls after a long period where phone polls were the gold standard. Now, it looks like the baton has been passed online. Whatever share of mobile calls phone pollsters made, and whatever adjustments they made in light of the 2015 polling miss, they were out by between 5 and 12 points on the margin.

It is hard to see phone polls again playing a major role in UK elections unless there are dramatic methodological changes.  

 

The data from our March message poll is available through an interactive portal here

 

If you want to discuss this further contact James Morris, Partner in our London Office at jmorris@gqrr.com.

 

 

A Struggling Electorate: Findings from a National Survey of Voters

A recent poll of registered voters commissioned by American Women, Voto Latino Action Network and iAmerica Action[1] found that women and particularly millennial women—remain highly negative toward Trump and his views.  According to the poll, women strongly favor a candidate who will push for progressive economic policies, including  equal pay, college affordability, paid sick days and family leave, and reproductive rights. 

The poll also points to a continuing sense of anxiety and economic struggle for voters.

The following are key findings from a national online survey of 800 registered voters conducted by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research.

 

Voters show strong support for candidates who support economic policies that help women and families

Instead of incendiary rhetoric that divides people, voters—particularly women and millennial women—indicate strong support for candidates who are willing to stand up for progressive economic policies that can help with their struggles, including college affordability, pay equality, and paid sick and paid family leave in the workplace. 

American women also have a strong preference for candidates who will protect reproductive health choices including birth control and abortion; more than two-thirds of millennial women say they would be more likely to support a candidate for elected office who took these positions, with more than half (52 percent) who say they are “much more likely” to support a candidate who will work to protect women’s reproductive health choices.

Women are anxious about their economic future, and they want candidates for office to stand up for their economic priorities, including access to reproductive health care, instead of trying to divide people in ways that do nothing to address the economic challenges facing women and families.

 

Many are struggling—and failing—to get ahead in the current economy, and women are more concerned about their economic situation than men

Voters are unhappy about the country’s direction, with 69 percent of both men and women who say that things in the country are seriously off on the wrong track. 

Economic concerns underlie a great deal of this dissatisfaction, particularly among women.  Fifty-nine percent of women count bills and expenses among their top stresses, compared to 49 percent of men.  The anxiety is more heightened among younger and unmarried women; among millennial women, more than two thirds (68 percent) say bills and expenses are a top source of stress and among unmarried women 65 percent say bills and expenses cause the most stress in their lives.

Women are also more likely than men to report being working class or middle class—and struggling to stay there.  Overall, 35 percent of voters say they are working class, 49 percent middle class, and 15 percent upper middle class or higher.  However, 39 percent of women call themselves working class, compared to 32 percent of men.  More troubling, nearly one quarter of women say they are in this lower class and struggling to remain there; just 16 percent of men fall into this category.  Members of the Rising American Electorate—youth, people of color, and unmarried women—also disproportionately report being working class and struggling.

 

Despite attempts to capitalize on economic fears, hostility toward Trump remains high for most voters

Views on Trump remain highly negative across the electorate.  Trump receives negative ratings from men and women, as well as older and younger voters. 

Women are some of Trump’s harshest critics. 72 percent of millennial women give Trump negative ratings, as well as 79 percent of women of color and 74 percent of unmarried women.  Democrats and Independents are also very negative; even among Republicans, Trump receives a mixed reaction.

In spite of his highly negative ratings, Trump continues to rely on racist rhetoric intended to further divide voters and appeal to existing racial resentment.  Sixty-two percent of White voters believe that Whites are losing out because of preferences for Blacks and Hispanics. The opposite is true among Blacks and Hispanics, with 79 percent of Hispanics and 98 percent of African Americans who believe they are losing out because of preferences for Whites.

However, Trump’s attempt to capitalize on this resentment and racial divide does not impact many voters.  Only the bloc of voters who think whites are “losing out strongly” (12 percent of our sample) give him positive ratings.  This bloc is disproportionately Republican, older white men, and white blue collar voters.  Even those who think whites are “losing out somewhat” have negative feelings toward Trump, and those who think Blacks and Hispanics are losing out are overwhelmingly negative toward Trump.

The dislike for Trump has an impact on reactions to policy proposals, including on immigration, which has been a central focus of his campaign.  Latinas strongly oppose the isolationist policies promoted by Trump, with 83 percent in opposition to building a wall along the Mexican border and 73 percent who oppose deporting undocumented immigrants. 

Among voters overall, while more than three-quarters (78 percent) of voters favor immigration reform that provides a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants already living here, they split evenly on the idea of building a wall along the border with Mexico.  However, when the wall proposal is presented as a quote clearly from Trump saying, “I will build a great, great wall on our southern border, and I will make Mexico pay for that wall” support drops precipitously to 40 percent, with 59 percent in opposition.

Latinas and the 2016 Elections: Findings from a National Survey of Hispanic Women

A recent poll of Latina voters commissioned by American Women, Voto Latino and iAmerica [1] highlights the important role of Hispanic women in this year’s presidential elections. Latinas express more enthusiasm for voting in the 2016 elections than in the 2014 mid-term elections, driven by very polarized feelings about the political parties and candidates. These women are strongly positive toward Hillary Clinton and Democrats; meanwhile, they view Donald Trump very hostilely, not surprising in the wake of his incendiary rhetoric on immigration.

Latinas face a great deal of stress around money and family, with a diverse set of concerns that covers not only economic challenges but also family and balancing their responsibilities at work and at home. While Latinas, and particularly millennial Latinas, are more likely to report earning less than $15 an hour, these women are optimistic about their future financial situation. They want to support candidates whose policy agenda will allow them to achieve a bright future, including equal pay, college affordability, paid sick days and family leave, and reproductive rights. 

There are opportunities to communicate with Latina voters about these issues in ways that do a better job of reaching them in the places they find information and the sources they trust.  Latinas trust news journalists—particularly in the Spanish-language community—to provide information about politics and issues, whereas other voters rely more on a mix of news journalists and word of mouth from family and friends.  And while these women use the internet, they are on the go and not in front of computers getting information; more than half of Latinas get news and information on their mobile or smartphone, a number that jumps to 81 percent among millennial Latinas.

The following are key findings from a national telephone survey of 400 Latina registered voters conducted by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research. The survey was run in parallel with an online survey of 800 registered voters nationally.

 

Latinas express stronger intention to vote than in 2014 elections

Latinas have an opportunity to be a key bloc in this year’s elections. In this survey, 59 percent of Latinas report voting in 2014; now, nearly 81 percent say they are “almost certain” to vote in 2016.

These women come to this election with very polarized feelings toward the political parties and candidates at the top of the ticket. Latinas express strong favorable feelings for the Democratic Party, President Barack Obama, and Hillary Clinton alike, while white men and women view them negatively.  At the same time, Latinas hold a negative view of the Republican Party generally, but reserve their harshest sentiments for the presumptive Republican nominee. An overwhelming 84 percent of Latinas view Trump negatively.

In face of a variety of economic and family concerns, Latinas remain optimistic about the future

This poll reveals some stark realities about the challenges facing Latinas every day:

  • Latinas are more likely than other voters to earn less than $15 an hour; 31 percent of Latinas overall, and 45 percent of millennial Latinas, report earning less than $15 an hour. Among all registered voters, just 21 percent report earnings below that same level.
  • Thirty-two percent of Latinas—and 38 percent of millennial Latinas—say they or someone they know has experienced sexual harassment or sexual assault in the workplace.
  • Latinas report a diverse array of issues that cause stress in their life. While they and the broader electorate all point to bills and expenses as the top stressors, Latinas are more likely than others to also point to caring for their family, their family’s health, balancing caretaking and career responsibilities, and having reliable and affordable child care as big concerns.

However, in spite of these economic and personal challenges, Latinas remain hopeful about their situation and about the future. Eighty-three percent of Latinas say their personal or family’s financial system is doing very well (15 percent) or fairly well (68 percent). When it comes to looking ahead, a majority of Latinas (59 percent) believe their financial situation will get better over the next five years, on par with the broader electorate. Millennial Latinas are the most optimistic, with more than three quarters who say their financial situation will get better over the next five years.

 

 

Overwhelming support for immigration reform policies among Latinas

Not surprisingly, strong majorities of Latinas favor policies that would provide not only allow undocumented immigrants to stay in the country and gain legal resident status, but also provide a path to citizenship.  Two-thirds of Latinas strongly favor a path to citizenship, with more than nine out of ten (92 percent) favoring the policy overall.  Just 13 percent of Latinas support building a fence along the border with Mexico; 83 percent oppose the plan.

 

Latinas show intense support for pay equality, college affordability, and reproductive health policies

Given the concerns facing Latinas and their hope for the future, it is not surprising that they strongly favor candidates who advocate for college affordability, pay equality, and paid sick and paid family leave in the workplace.  The intensity of support is notable here, with nearly 8 out of 10 Latinas who say they would be “much more likely” to support a candidate for elected office who took these positions.

Latinas also strongly support policies to protect women’s reproductive health, with large majorities more likely to vote for a candidate who will protect women’s access to birth control and abortion.  This includes 69 percent of Latinas under the age of 50 and 54 percent of older Latinas. Likewise, half of Latinas say they are less likely to vote for a candidate who supports defunding Planned Parenthood and passing a ban on abortion.

 

 

Most Latinas receive political news via smartphones and English-language news, but express strong trust and favorability for Spanish-language news

Latinas turn to smartphones more often than the broader electorate for political news, with 58 percent of Latinas saying they use a smartphone or mobile device to look at political news, compared to 37 percent of voters overall. Among millennial Latinas, the vast majority, 81 percent, use a smartphone or mobile device to look at political news.  

However, television also remains an important source of information as one quarter of Latinas still get political news from television. And while 91 percent of Latinas report that they spend half or more of their television viewing English language programs, they report strong trust and favorability in news journalists generally and Spanish-language outlets like Univision and reporters like Jorge Ramos in particular.  Latinas point to news journalists twice as much as any other source of information on news and politics; 40 percent say they trust and listen to news journalists most, with the next most trusted sources being family, friends and coworkers.

Latinas have the opportunity to be a critical voting bloc in 2016.  They face many economic and family challenges, but are optimistic about their future and want candidates for office to help them by pursuing a policy agenda that will help them turn their hopes into reality, including college affordability, pay equality, and reproductive rights.

Fox News Latino      |      ELLE Poll       |        American Women Polling Memos

GQR’s USC/LA Times Poll Called “Best Poll in the State” after California Primary

GQR’s USC/LA Times Poll Called “Best Poll in the State” after California Primary

The USC Dornsife/LA Times Poll was once again the most accurate statewide poll in California reflecting the outcome of yesterday’s heavily contested Democratic presidential primary contest.

While nearly a half dozen public polls released in the final three weeks indicated that Clinton and Sanders were statistically tied, the latest USC Dornsife/LA Times Poll, conducted May 19-31, 2016 by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner and American Viewpoint, showed Hillary Clinton with a 10-point margin over Bernie Sanders among likely Democratic primary voters. Actual poll returns as of June 8th indicate that Clinton will win with a margin of roughly 10.5 points, leading FiveThirtyEight senior political analyst Harry Enten to call our result the “best of any poll in the state.”

The USC/Dornsife/LA Times Poll was also the most accurate in predicting the outcome of the contested Senate primary election. Our poll showed Kamala Harris ahead among likely voters with a 20-point margin over Loretta Sanchez in second, followed by a number of Republicans. Other public polls in the final weeks showed a closer race between Harris and Sanchez. Actual results thus far put Harris ahead by 22-points.

This poll’s accuracy follows a string of successes for GQR and the USC Dornsife/LA Times survey. The poll correctly anticipated the result of eight statewide elections in the fall of 2014, including a number of narrow contests. In the 2014 primary, the USC Dornsife/LA Times poll was lauded for being the most accurate predictor of the gubernatorial primary. In 2012, we correctly predicted the winning side of all ballot measures we tested.  And during the final two weeks leading up to the 2010 election, 10 polling organizations released data on the Gubernatorial and Senate races—GQR’s surveys ranked right at the top in terms of predicting the actual results and we were the first poll to show Governor Brown with a double-digit lead.

You can find the results from the most recent USC Dornsife/LA Times poll here.

NEW UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA DORNSIFE COLLEGE OF LETTERS, ARTS AND SCIENCES/LOS ANGELES TIMES POLL

On behalf of the University of Southern California Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences and the Los Angeles Times, Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, in conjunction with American Viewpoint, conducted a new survey among 1,500 registered California voters.

 

FULL DATA

 

ARTICLES

Los Angeles Times

USC Dornsife

 

METHODOLOGY

Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, in conjunction with American Viewpoint, conducted this survey on behalf of the University of Southern California Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences and the Los Angeles Times. These findings are based on a random sample survey of 1,500 (1,500 weighted) registered voters in the state of California, conducted from May 19 – 31, 2016.  Interviews were conducted by telephone using live interviewers from Interviewing Services of America.  Voters were randomly selected from a list of registered voters statewide and reached on a landline or cell phone depending on the number they designated on their voter registration.  Fifty-five percent of this sample was reached on a cell phone.  Up to five attempts were made to reach and interview each randomly selected voter. 

The study includes an oversample of 400 known-Latino registered voters, with the total number of Latino voters interviewed at 489 (360 weighted).  All interviews among known Latinos were carried out via telephone by bilingual Latino interviewers, and conducted in the preferred language of the survey respondent, English or Spanish. Overall, 40 percent of interviews among the known Latino sample were conducted in Spanish and 60 percent in English. The technique of using fully bilingual interviewers yields higher response and cooperation rates and is greatly preferred because it does not terminate calls with Spanish-language households and require a callback. 

Upon completion of all interviewing, the results were weighted to bring the Latino oversample population into line with the racial and ethnic composition of registered voters in California. The data was weighted to reflect the total population of registered voters throughout the state, balancing on regional and demographic characteristics for gender, age, race, and party registration according to known census estimates and voter file projections from several distinct voter files.

The maximum sampling error for the overall sample of 1,500 registered voters is +/- 2.9 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.  The margin of error for subgroups is higher.  The margin of error for Latinos is +/- 5.0 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level. 

This study includes a subsample of 903 Democratic presidential primary voters (814 weighted). These voters are registered Democrats, plus registered NPP voters who report being almost certain to vote in the Democratic presidential primary contest. The margin of error for these “eligible Democratic primary voters” is +/- 3.7 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.  

This study includes a subsample of 503 likely Democratic presidential primary voters (433 weighted). These voters are registered Democrats and NPP voters, who are considered likely to vote based on a combination of past vote history, self-reported vote likelihood, and voter registration status. The margin of error for these “likely Democratic presidential primary voters” is +/- 5.0 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.

 

 

For Third Time, Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Poll Most Accurately Predicts Result of the Dominican Republic´s Presidential Election

For Third Time, Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Poll Most Accurately Predicts Result of the Dominican Republic´s Presidential Election

Greenberg Quinlan Rosner proved to be the most accurate firm to poll during the recent presidential campaign in the Dominican Republic – the third consecutive presidential election in the Dominican Republic in which the firm has held that distinction.

Danilo Medina: Headed to a Second Term

Danilo Medina: Headed to a Second Term

With one week remaining in the Dominican Republic's presidential campaign, President Danilo Medina is poised for re-election, with a commanding 23-point lead over Luis Abinader.

Returning a Labour government

Returning a Labour government

At 01:53 on Friday 8th May 2015, Marcus Jones was returned as MP for Nuneaton with an increased majority, and Labour realised it was staying in opposition. Civil servants could put down their copies of Labour’s manifesto - its plans would not be realized. Labour failed.

Time is Running Out for Abinader

Time is Running Out for Abinader

With five weeks until the 15 May Election, Luis Abinader is running out of time to close the gap with President Danilo Medina. In a new survey conducted for Diario Libre, Medina widens his lead over Abinader

Only fear can keep us in the EU

Only fear can keep us in the EU

This article by James Morris, partner and Director of GQR’s London Office, originally appeared in the Times.

It is based on a survey conducted for The Fabian Society, with support from the TUC and FEPS. Click here for an interactive portal where you can explore the data and download data tables.

NEW UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA DORNSIFE COLLEGE OF LETTERS, ARTS AND SCIENCES/LOS ANGELES TIMES POLL

On behalf of the University of Southern California Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences and the Los Angeles Times, Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, in conjunction with American Viewpoint, conducted a new survey among 1,503 registered California voters.

KEY FINDINGS

ARTICLES

Below you can find articles and stories on findings of this poll:

March 25

March 27

March 28

March 29

March 30

March 31

NEWS RELEASES

March 28

March 29

March 30

March 31

METHODOLOGY

Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, in conjunction with American Viewpoint, conducted this survey on behalf of the University of Southern California Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences and the Los Angeles Times. These findings are based on a random sample survey of 1,503 (1,503 weighted) registered voters in the state of California, conducted from March 16 – 23, 2016.  Interviews were conducted by telephone using live interviewers from Interviewing Services of America.  Voters were randomly selected from a list of registered voters statewide and reached on a landline or cell phone depending on the number they designated on their voter registration.  Fifty-five percent of this sample was reached on a cell phone.  Up to five attempts were made to reach and interview each randomly selected voter. 

 The study includes an oversample of 400 known-Latino registered voters, with the total number of Latino voters interviewed at 501 (361 weighted).  All interviews among known Latinos were carried out via telephone by bilingual Latino interviewers, and conducted in the preferred language of the survey respondent, English or Spanish. Overall, 33 percent of interviews among the known Latino sample were conducted in Spanish and 67 percent in English. The technique of using fully bilingual interviewers yields higher response and cooperation rates and is greatly preferred because it does not terminate calls with Spanish-language households and require a callback. 

 Upon completion of all interviewing, the results were weighted to bring the Latino oversample population into line with the racial and ethnic composition of registered voters in California. The data was weighted to reflect the total population of registered voters throughout the state, balancing on regional and demographic characteristics for gender, age, race, and party registration according to known census estimates and voter file projections from several distinct voter files.

 The maximum sampling error for the overall sample of 1,503 registered voters is +/- 2.8 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.  The margin of error for subgroups is higher.  The margin of error for Latinos is +/- 4.8 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level. 

 This study includes a subsample of 871 Democratic presidential primary voters (832 weighted). These voters are registered Democrats, plus registered NPP voters who report being almost certain to vote in the Democratic presidential primary contest. The margin of error for these “eligible Democratic primary voters” is +/- 3.7 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.

 This study includes a subsample of 391 Republican presidential primary voters (415 weighted). These voters are registered Republicans. The margin of error for these “eligible Republican primary voters” is +/- 5.5 percentage points at the 95 percent confidence level.

Allstate/USA TODAY Small Business Barometer Reveals Resilience and Optimism in Rapidly Changing Environment

Allstate/USA TODAY Small Business Barometer Reveals Resilience and Optimism in Rapidly Changing Environment

A national survey of small business owners conducted by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner on behalf of Allstate Insurance* offers a unique look into the pressures, challenges, and benefits of owning a small business in America today. The survey finds that small business owners are upbeat about the improving economy and a majority say now is the best time ever to own a small business.
 
Even in the improving economy, small business owners face challenges in finding and keeping their clients, responding to rising costs, and dealing with regulation; in addition, they face a rapidly changing business environment that requires constant innovation.  To deal with these challenges, small business owners make significant personal and professional sacrifices: a large segment have recently changed their business practices to keep up with new technologies, new market trends, and new competition, while over 40 percent have cut their own pay for the well-being of the business. It’s no wonder 3 in 4 business owners report experiencing some or a great deal of stress.

In the face of such challenges, small business owners demonstrate remarkable resilience. A majority say their business is doing well and earning higher revenue than in past years; moreover, 64 percent expect to do better next year than this one. Nearly 9 in 10 say the benefits of owning a small business outweigh the challenges. But it’s not the pay that motivates them: it’s the freedom of being their own boss and having more flexible hours.
 
Women and minority small business owners are more hopeful about the future of their businesses and more optimistic about growth than others, despite less access to capital and added stress juggling work and family demands. Notably, over 70 percent of women and minority small business owners say their business will do well next year, compared to just 64 percent overall.
 
GQR’s survey also contributed to a proprietary Barometer score measuring the small business climate in the United States and in 25 of its largest markets. Featured on Allstate’s website, this Barometer was created from eight indicators that influence the business climate and were scored on a 0-100 scale: Capital, Commodities, Customers, Innovation, Technology, Labor, Optimism, and Regulation.
 
See the Barometer readings for all eight indicators nationally and in each market, and read more about the study here.
 
Additional reporting on the survey and Barometer by the USA Today:

*GQR Research conducted an online survey of small business owners on behalf of Allstate from November 4th-22nd, 2015. Survey respondents included small business owners nationally, ages 18-75, each being owners or part-owners of a business or franchise with annual revenues greater than $25,000 and between 1 and 100 employees. This survey included a representative national sample of 500 small business owners and oversamples of small business owners in 25 media markets across the country for a total of 2,640 completed interviews.

 

Danilo Medina Positioned for Re-election

Danilo Medina Positioned for Re-election

With 11 weeks remaining in the presidential campaign, Danilo Medina is poised for reelection with a double-digit lead over Luis Abinader. If the election were held today, 55 percent of Dominicans would vote for Medina, with 34 percent choosing Abinader; Guillermo Moreno and Amable Aristy Castro get 2 and 1 percent, respectively, with the rest of the candidates under 1 percent. Among those most likely to vote on 15 May, Medina’s lead grows: 59 percent of likely voters support Medina while 36 percent are for Abinader.

Medina has a substantial lead, but 11 weeks is a long time. Though his support is strong, the survey reveals some potential vulnerabilities for the president: most importantly in his handling of corruption. At the same time, Abinader’s image has improved over the past year, the PRM is growing, and he is starting to consolidate support. Under the right set of circumstances, Abinader could make this race more competitive.

The nationwide survey fielded February 12 to 18 and was designed and analyzed by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research, an international polling firm based in Washington, DC. One thousand and two Dominican adults were interviewed, of which 704 were identified as likely voters (representing 70 percent of the voting-age population). The margin of error on random samples of 1,002 and 704 are plus or minus 3.1 and 3.7 percent, respectively, at confidence intervals of 95 percent. The survey fielded before the arrest of presidential advisor Joao Santana, and before President Medina’srendición de cuentas. 

Voters feel better off, credit Medina

Medina approaches the 2016 presidential election well-liked and with a strong record. A 66-28 percent majority of Dominicans say their life has gotten better over past four years. Driving this is improvements in education, electricity, and health: 89 percent say the education is getting better in the Dominican Republic, 62 percent say electricity and blackouts are improving, and 53 percent say health care is getting better. Voters largely credit the president with these improvements. Ninety-two percent say they approve of the job he is doing on education, 62 percent approve of his job on electricity, and 67 percent approve of his work on health. 

As result, a 59 percent majority wants to continue with the direction President Medina is taking the country and his overall approval rating is strong at 80 percent.  His approval cuts across party lines: while 93 percent of peledistas approve of his job, 56 percent of PRM partisans, and even 63 percent of 2012 Hipólito Mejia voters approve of his job as president. 

“The sense of progress Dominican voters feel is remarkable,” said Jessica Reis, a vice president at Greenberg Quinlan Rosner who directed the poll.  “Voters are looking for continuity, especially when framed around social issues, like health and education. If Danilo Medina can keep his campaign focused on these issues, he will likely be the first Dominican president to be consecutively elected.” 

Medina is strong across many demographic groups, but there is persistent gap between how women and men are voting. Among women, Medina wins by over 30 points: 60 to 28 percent for Abinader. Among men the race is much more competitive: only 9 points separate Medina and Abinader, 50 to 41 percent.  This gender gap is consistent with past Diario Libre-GQR polls; our pre-election poll in 2012 found that while women were voting for Medina 57-39 percent over Hipólito Mejia, Mejia was winning men with 53 to 45 percent of their vote.

The president is slightly stronger with younger voters. He wins 58 percent of those under age of 35, and 52 percent of those older.  Abinader has relatively more support among lower-educated Dominicans: he wins 36 percent of the vote among those with primary education or less (compared to 30 percent of those with university or higher). 

Given the gains over the past 4 years, the President is stronger with those who receive government benefits. Among the 28 percent of Dominicans who report to benefit from abono or social program, Medina has a 73-20 percent advantage. Among those that do not directly benefit, there is only a 10-point spread between Medina and Abinader, 49-39 percent. 

PRM and Abinader’s support up since last year, but not yet enough

Though Abinader significantly trails the president, his position has improved over the past year. In March 2015, Abinader had just 16 percent of the vote against Medina, and only 85 percent of voters could identify him. Over the last year, Abinader has more than doubled his vote and increased his identification by 10 points to 95 percent.

Not only is Abinader is better known, but he also has a more favorable image than last year. Thirty-five percent of Dominicans have a positive image of him, up 13 points from last year. Abinader’s ability to consolidate PRM and PRD-defecting support drives his favorability growth. Since last year, Abinader’s favorability is up 18 points among those who voted for Mejía in 2012, and is up 20 points among PRM partisans.

Despite this consolidation, Abinader is not yet fully capturing Hipólito Mejia’s 2012 voters. Only 71 percent of those who voted for Mejia are now supporting Abinader, and almost a quarter of Mejia’s voters in 2012 are now supporting Medina. These defectors are older voters, and are lower on the income scale, an audience with which Abinader lacks Hipólito Mejías’s appeal.

Beyond his base, Abinader has made some inroads – albeit from a very low starting point – with women. Among all women, his favorability rating is up 12 points since last year (to 30 percent favorable), and among young women in particular, his favorable rating has grown by 18 points (to 33 percent favorable).

Medina potentially vulnerable on corruption

Though Medina is strong across many issue areas, corruption is a potential liability for the president’s reelection bid. Thirty-seven percent of Dominicans says corruption is one of their top concerns, roughly steady from last year, but up 16 points since 2012.   Further, an overwhelming 81 percent majority say corruption is getting worse in the country (up 9 points from last year). 

The poll suggests Dominicans have some doubt about the president’s ability to confront this growing concern. A 55 percent majority disapproves of the job Medina is doing on fighting corruption. And the share that has confidence he would do the best job handling corruption is at 47 percent, 8 points under his vote. 

Currently, 20 percent of voters think the president is corrupt himself. While not overwhelming, this is higher than the 12 percent share that believe Abinader is corrupt.  Further, this poll fielded before the arrest of Medina advisor Joao Santana, which may have an impact on perceptions. 

Dominicans have seen the impact of corruption charges on once-revered leaders. When he left office, Leonel Fernandez had a robust approval rating and 45 percent of Dominicans’ had a favorable view of him. Now, only 23 percent of Dominicans feel favorable toward him.  The Diario Libre-Greenberg Quinlan Rosner poll last year showed that a majority believe the former president used drug money in his campaigns, and a majority named him the most corrupt national leader.

“It is hard to speculate the impact of the Santana case,” said Reis.  “But if there is something that can undermine Medina’s support and shake up this race – this could be it. In our next poll, we will see how much voters have heard about the case, the impact it has, and if voters – especially Medina’s supporters – believe it implicates their president.”

Push for debates helps Abinader 

The call for debates is a way Luis Abinader can highlight transparency and potentially put Medina on the defensive. A 74 percent majority approve of Abinader’s recent request for president debates.  It is not a partisan issue: 70 percent of current Medina voters, 79 percent of perredistas, and 82 percent of Abinader’s supporters support having a debate.

This could be a potential opening for the PRM candidate. A 60 percent majority of Dominicans say Abinader’s call for debates makes them feel more favorable toward him. Voters across key groups say it improve their view of Abinader.  A plurality of undecided voters, a majority of soft Medina supporters, and a majority of women say they feel more favorable toward Abinader based on his public call for debates.

While Abinader’s request makes most feel more favorable, voters are split on the PLD’s rejection of the debate process. A 47 percent plurality say the PLD’s response – that "quien esta ganado, no discute” and subsequent refusal – makes them feel less favorable toward the president. Fifty-three percent of undecided voters feel less favorable toward Medina based on this response, and majorities of university educated voters, and voters in the Distrito Nacional also feel less favorable.

Crime and insecurity worse from last year; some economic skepticism

Worries about crime have started to rebound after a sharp decrease since the last election. In 2012, 55 percent of Dominicans listed crime as a top concern; now, 28 percent do –  3 points higher than last year’s historic low. 

An overwhelming 85 percent majority of Dominicans say crime is getting worse, up 19 points from last year. And most disapprove of the job Medina is doing.  Further, only 43 percent say he would do a better job than Abinader handling crime. 

“While it is true that crime is a much less dominate issue than it was in 2012, Medina will need to give voters a reassurance that he understand the problem and will have an approach to improve security in his next term,” Reis said. “His rendición de cuentas is likely to heavily promote achievements in education and other social issues, but he needs to give voters a sense that he is working on security issues too.”

Dominicans split on Haitian immigration policy

Dominicans are split on the 2013 Tribunal Supremo ruling stripping citizenship from those who were born to a non-citizen: 47 percent support the ruling and 45 percent oppose.  There is no clear partisan or ideological divide in support: the same share of Medina voters and Abinader voters support the ruling. 

What is clearer is that Haitian immigration is a lower tier concern for Dominicans: just 10 percent list it as one of their top two concerns. There is some support, however, for the deportations under this ruling. Sixty-eight percent support the recent deportations of people of Haitian descent. 

Medina is able to capitalize on some of this anti-Haitian sentiment. A 56 percent majority say the deportation policy makes them feel more favorable toward the president, including 62 percent of his own voters, and even 49 percent of Abinader’s voters. Partly as result, a 60 percent majority say they approve of the job Medina is doing on dealing with immigration in to the Dominican Republic.

 

Read more from Diario Libre: Danilo mantiene cómoda ventaja sobre Abinader en primera vuelta

Read more from Diario Libre: Medina es potencialmente vulnerable en el tema de la corrupción

Labour Needs Something New

Labour Needs Something New

Ever since Tony Blair said he wouldn’t stand for a fourth term, the Labour party has been wrestling with a central question: whether to continue with his approach to politics or move in a different direction. In his recent article, Blair argued that his way is more needed than ever. Voters don’t agree.

IRAQ SURVEY: LACK OF GOVERNMENT RESPONSIVENESS IMPACTS PUBLIC MOOD

IRAQ SURVEY: LACK OF GOVERNMENT RESPONSIVENESS IMPACTS PUBLIC MOOD

Iraqis grew increasingly frustrated with poor service provision and rampant corruption, according to the findings of an NDI national survey.